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Iraq Issues: Insurgency Tactics

Insurgent tactics vary widely, as well as the targets. Jihadist elements of the insurgency favour the use of car bombs, kidnappings, hostage-taking, shootings and other types of attacks to target Iraqi’ collaborators and U.S. forces with little regard for civilian casualties. Other groups claim to target their attacks on U.S. forces and avoid the targeting of civilians.

For most attacks, the Iraqi guerrillas operate in small teams of 5-10 men in order to maintain mobility and escape detection. Larger attacks involving as many as 150 men have appeared on occasion since April, 2004 (although large units had also appeared in a few instances beforehand, such as a battle near the Syrian border town of Rawa on June 13, 2003 and a large ambush of a U.S. convoy in the town of Samarra on November 30, 2003).

All of the following methods of attack are designed to allow insurgent teams to strike quickly and escape detection afterwards.
  • Improvised Explosive Devices (lEDs)
  • Ambushes
  • Sniper Tactics
  • Mortar and rocket strikes
  • Attacks on helicopters
  • Sabotage
  • Suicide bombers
  • Non-military and civilian targets
  • Assassinations and kidnappings
  • Attacks on security forces

Analysis and polls

A series of several polls have been conducted to ascertain the position of the Iraqi public further on the insurgency and the coalition occupation. All of the polls seem to consistently find the following:

  • A large minority, if not a majority, of Sunni Arabs consider armed attacks on U.S. forces legitimate and justified resistance.
  • The greatest support for the insurgency is in al-Anbar province.
  • The majority of Iraqis disapprove of the presence of coalition forces.
  • A majority of both Sunnis and Shiites want an end to the occupation as soon as possible, although Sunnis are opposed to the occupation in somewhat greater margins.

Polls conducted in June 2005 suggest even more anti-occupation sentiment; most alarming to U.S. policymakers is rising support for the insurgency. According to the Boston Globe 10 June 2005): ‘a recent internal poll conducted for the U.S-led coalition found that nearly 45 percent of the population supported the insurgent attacks, making accurate intelligence difficult to obtain. Only 15 percent of those polled said they strongly supported the U S. -led coalition.” A later 2005 poll by British intelligence concurred that 45 per cent of Iraqis support attacks against coalition forces, rising to 65 per cent in some areas, and that 82 percent are strongly opposed” to the presence of foreign troops. Demands for U.S. withdrawal have also been signed on by one third of Iraq’s Parliament.

A great deal of attention has been focused on how much success the guerrillas have had in consolidating support among the Iraqi population. It appears as though the Iraqi resistance movement/insurgency retains a degree of popular support in the “Sunni triangle,” especially in cities like Fallujah. The tribal culture of the area and its concepts of honour, the prestige many received from the former regime, and civilian casualties resulting from intense coalition “counter-insurgency” operations have resulted in the opposition of many Sunni Arabs to the occupation.

Polls indicate that the greatest support for the insurgency is in al-Anbar province, a vast area extending from the Syrian border to the western outskirts of Baghdad. This is attributed to a number of reasons, including the lack the employment and opportunities of the old regime, tribal customs, suspicion of outsiders, and the religious conservatism of the area. Coalition “counter-insurgency” operations have suffered heavy casualties in the province

Some observers, such as political scientist Wamidh Nadhmi, believe that the major vision in Iraq is not along ethnic and religious divisions nor between the general population and violent groups, but between those who collaborate with the foreign occupation and those who resist it.

U.S. and British forces tend to suffer fewer casualties in the Shiite and Kurdish areas outside the “Sunni triangle.” Many, however, especially in the Shiite community, although supportive of the overthrow of Saddam Hussein, are very unhappy with the occupation. Farther north in the Kurdish areas, there some pro-U.S. sentiment and a strong opposition to the groups constituting the insurgency.

Support for the insurgency is less strong in the Shiite areas of the country than in the Sunni areas since the Shiites, like the Kurds, did not dominate the ruling factions of the old regime. Shiites have also been influenced by a moderate clerical establishment under Ayatollah All al-Sistani that has advocated a political solution. However, Moqtada al-Sadr (a radical Shiite cleric who has advocated militant insurgency) has drawn support from a portion of the Shiite community, mainly young and unemployed men in urban areas. Sadr’s support varies region by region; while likely not drawing considerable support in Najaf (a stronghold of the clerical establishment which was occupied by Sadr’s militia and has been the scene of some of the heaviest fighting), some polls have indicated Sadr’s support among the Shiites of Baghdad may be as high as 50%. However, this support did not translate into direct electoral winnings for Sadr supporters during the January 2005 elections.

Spontaneous peaceful protests have appeared in Shiite areas against the occupation. The Shiite intellectuals and the upper classes, as well as the inhabitants of rural regions in the south and followers of more moderate clerics such as Ayatollah All al-Sistani, tend to cooperate with the coalition and the Iraqi interim government and eschew militant protest. Sistani’s political pressure is largely credited with enabling the elections of January 2005.

The Shite and Kurdish populations of Iraq have had long histories of strained relations with past Iraqi regimes, which have long been dominated by the Sunni. Their favoured status in Iraq since the 2003 U.S-led invasion is also a factor attributed to the fewer instances of attacks against coalition forces in Shitte and Kurdish regions of the country. This is in contrast to the more radical Moqtada al-Sadr, who draws his support from the lower classes and much of the Shiite urban population. Both united, however, on the United Iraqi Alliance ticket that brought in the largest share of the votes in the January 2005 elections.

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